How do the points and ideas addressed here illustrate the ideas of Liberal Internationalism and the US’s new role in global affairs

  1. Short Answer: Write a minimum of 150 words for the below (30 points)
    How did the role of the US change as a result of the First World War? How did they take a new
    stance in the world and global politics?
    8 January, 1918:
    President Woodrow Wilson’s Fourteen Points
    It will be our wish and purpose that the processes of peace, when they are begun, shall be
    absolutely open and that they shall involve and permit henceforth no secret understandings of
    any kind. The day of conquest and aggrandizement is gone by; so is also the day of secret
    covenants entered into in the interest of particular governments and likely at some unlookedfor moment to upset the peace of the world. It is this happy fact, now clear to the view of every
    public man whose thoughts do not still linger in an age that is dead and gone, which makes it
    possible for every nation whose purposes are consistent with justice and the peace of the
    world to avow nor or at any other time the objects it has in view.
    We entered this war because violations of right had occurred which touched us to the quick
    and made the life of our own people impossible unless they were corrected and the world
    secure once for all against their recurrence. What we demand in this war, therefore, is nothing
    peculiar to ourselves. It is that the world be made fit and safe to live in; and particularly that it
    be made safe for every peace-loving nation which, like our own, wishes to live its own life,
    determine its own institutions, be assured of justice and fair dealing by the other peoples of the
    world as against force and selfish aggression. All the peoples of the world are in effect partners
    in this interest, and for our own part we see very clearly that unless justice be done to others it
    will not be done to us. The programme of the world’s peace, therefore, is our programme; and
    that programme, the only possible programme, as we see it, is this:
    I. Open covenants of peace, openly arrived at, after which there shall be no private
    international understandings of any kind but diplomacy shall proceed always frankly
    and in the public view.
    II. Absolute freedom of navigation upon the seas, outside territorial waters, alike in
    peace and in war, except as the seas may be closed in whole or in part by
    international action for the enforcement of international covenants.
    III. The removal, so far as possible, of all economic barriers and the establishment of
    an equality of trade conditions among all the nations consenting to the peace and
    associating themselves for its maintenance.
    IV. Adequate guarantees given and taken that national armaments will be reduced to
    the lowest point consistent with domestic safety.
    V. A free, open-minded, and absolutely impartial adjustment of all colonial claims,
    based upon a strict observance of the principle that in determining all such
    questions of sovereignty the interests of the populations concerned must have
    equal weight with the equitable claims of the government whose title is to be
    determined
    VI. The evacuation of all Russian territory and such a settlement of all questions
    affecting Russia as will secure the best and freest cooperation of the other nations
    of the world-and, more than a welcome, assistance also of every kind that she may
    need and may herself desire. The treatment accorded Russia by her sister nations in
    the months to come will be the acid test of their good will.
    VII. Belgium, the whole world will agree, must be evacuated and restored, without any
    attempt to limit the sovereignty which she enjoys in common with all other free
    nations.
    VIII. All French territory should be freed and the invaded portions restored, and the
    wrong done to France by Prussia in 1871 in the matter of Alsace-Lorraine
    IX. A readjustment of the frontiers of Italy should be effected along clearly recognizable
    lines of nationality.
    X. The peoples of Austria-Hungary, whose place among the nations we wish to see
    safeguarded and assured, should be accorded the freest opportunity to
    autonomous development.
    XI. Rumania, Serbia, and Montenegro should be evacuated; occupied territories
    restored; Serbia accorded free and secure access to the sea; and the relations of
    the several Balkan states to one another determined by friendly counsel along
    historically established lines of allegiance and nationality; and international
    guarantees of the political and economic independence and territorial integrity of
    the several Balkan states should be entered into.
    XII. The turkish portion of the present Ottoman Empire should be assured a secure
    sovereignty, but the other nationalities which are now under Turkish rule should be
    assured an undoubted security of life and an absolutely unmolested opportunity of
    autonomous development, and the Dardanelles should be permanently opened as a
    free passage to the ships and commerce of all nations under international
    guarantees
    XIII. An independent Polish state should be erected which should include the territories
    inhabited by indisputably Polish populations, which should be assured a free and
    secure access to the sea, and whose political and economic independence and
    territorial integrity should be guaranteed by international covenant.
    XIV. A general association of nations must be formed under specific covenants for the
    purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial
    integrity to great and small states alike.
    In regard to these essential rectifications of wrong and assertions of right we feel ourselves to
    be intimate partners of all the governments and peoples associated together against the
    Imperialists. We cannot be separated in interest or divided in purpose. We stand together until
    the end.
    For such arrangements and covenants we are willing to fight and to continue to fight until they
    are achieved; but only because we wish the right to prevail and desire a just and stable peace
    such as can be secured only by removing the chief provocations to war, which this programme
    does remove. We have no jealousy of German greatness, and there is nothing in this
    programme that impairs it. We grudge her no achievement or distinction of learning or of
    pacific enterprise such as have made her record very bright and very enviable. We do not wish
    to injure her or to block in any way her legitimate influence or power. We do not wish to fight
    her either with arms or with hostile arrangements of trade if she is willing to associate herself
    with us and the other peace- loving nations of the world in covenants of justice and law and fair
    dealing. We wish her only to accept a place of equality among the peoples of the world, — the
    new world in which we now live, — instead of a place of mastery.
  2. Answer in 150 words: (50 Points)
    How do the points and ideas addressed here illustrate the ideas of Liberal Internationalism and
    the US’s new role in global affairs?

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